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Speaking bodies II. Topics in cognitive linguistics: deixis, gesture, prepositions, metaphor and polysemy

This second session of the Speaking bodies minicourse will introduce an exciting alternative approach to linguistics that has grown out of interdisciplinary contacts among linguistics, philosophy, psychology, computer science, neuroscience, and anthropology.

Classical linguistics has thought of languages the way we think of algebra or symbolic logic, as abstract systems of rules applied to combinations of elements: as codes.

Cognitive linguistics, instead, has wanted to investigate language as one of the ways human bodies influence each other while in the midst of dealing with the surrounding world.

Aspects of language use that have been particularly important in strengthening this viewpoint have been metaphor, gesture, propositions and other spatial language, and polysemy, the way words can have many meanings, which almost invariably change over time.

Outline:

1. Naturalizing a discipline
2. Review: language as structural influence
3. Conceptual structure of representing in general
4. How bodies do language in particular
5. Traditional linguistics
6. Functional and cognitive linguistics
7. Topics investigated by cognitive linguists:
a. spatial language and deixis
b: gesture and ASL
c: prepositions
d: metaphor and polysemy


1. Naturalizing a discipline

Session I was a general orientation to what language is in relation to bodies.

Session II continues this discussion but is also about studying language as a topic - about linguistics. What it used to be, what it is becoming. What embodiment means in relation to linguistics as the study of language.

In other words it's about the naturalization of linguistics.

Naturalizing a field of study, for instance epistemology or mathematics, is reframing it in a non-dualistic way.

When we naturalize mathematics, for instance, we try to understand how mathematical knowledge could be based on evolved abilities to interact with the natural world.

When we naturalize epistemology we try to understand any sort of knowledge in this way.

2. Review: basic principle: language as structural influence

There is a small set of assumptions central to all three sessions of this mini-course - simple obvious ideas radical in their implications.

i. We feel and perceive and imagine and think by means of our changes in the structure of our physical bodies.

ii. Language has physical, structural effect.

iii. Language works with both conscious and nonconscious structure.

iv. Parts of the nervous system that could be, or have been, part of the conscious wide net can be made nonconscious, and vice versa.

v. We speak and write from the structure we are at the moment of utterance.

vi. Self-talk is also structural change by linguistic means.

3. Conceptual structure of the study of representing in general

i. In the beginning was the world.

ii. The body comes next, inherently related to the world through its evolutionary history.

- Perception-action capability is primary - presence: perception and action, emotional response.

- Simulation capability is derived from it: seeming to perceive and act, simulational emotion.

Simulation means being structured AS IF we were perceiving/doing something, while not actually perceiving or doing it.

iii. ALL representing forms and practices use these original capabilities.

iv. Language is one representing capability among others (math, art, music, photography, digital mixed media, etc).

v. 'Thinking' as we know it can use all of these conceptual levels. It can include actually perceiving and doing things - for instance when we are building a rock wall - as well as using actual or imagined representational media like language, drawings, formulae, graphs, etch.

> Orienting principle 1: There is no external relation of environmental thing and representing object. There is no re-presenting of the thing, only a re-evoking of a cognitive state. A name doesn't actually 'stand for' a thing - what it does is evoke structure relevant to that thing.

> Orienting principle 2: Representational effect is structural effect.

Any representational effect is a structural alteration of the user, a physical, dynamical event. A picture or sentence organizes its user to be structured in one way rather than another.

It is always a partial effect; it is never the only thing going on for its users, who must continue also to be about other aspects of their physical context.

> Orienting principle 3: Representing most of the time is organizing simulational states.

When we are with people in some mutual place and time representational media can be used to coordinate perception and action. An example would be people building a house together, measuring timber, calling out instructions. That is a presence use of representing practices.

Representing practices can also be used to organize states in the user that are like the state that WOULD BE produced if in the presence of something. Looking at a photo of a thing is in limited but definite ways like being with the thing itself.

> Orienting principle 4: The same representational form can evoke different states in different bodies - and with the same body, in different contexts.

It isn't about the form of the representation, it's about the representing object or event PLUS the existing state of the user.

4. How bodies do language in particular:

  • Language is able to effect maximum cognitive structure with minimal physically present form by triggering structure pre-organized through intensive training.
  • Training with names sets up rapid one-hemisphere evocation of networks accessed through convergence/divergence zones in many cortical areas.
  • Basic level aboutness seems in general to be evoked by open-class lexical means. An open linguistic class is a category of terms that can be expanded indefinitely. Examples are nouns, verbs, adjectives, adverbs.
  • Closed-class syntactic resources of a language may in general direct procedural effects. A closed class is a category of function words that normally stays constant. Examples in English are prepositions, articles, pronouns, conjunctions.
  • Cognitive mode or style is organized by many means, including rhythmic and sonic effects classically considered pragmatic rather than grammatic. Accent, assonance, etc.
  • One hemisphere is linguistically specialized for the perception and production of acoustic and graphic elements of a language, but other linguistic effects, including text-level integration, involve the other hemisphere, so that in normal function language requires bilateral integration of a cross-callosal net.

5. Traditional linguistics

Traditional linguistics developed in the Middle Ages mainly in the teaching of Latin, which was predominantly a written language.

It emphasized distinctions between form and meaning/content, competence and performance, semantics and pragmatics. These distinctions all implicitly ignore the fact that language is something a body does. It talks about language as if it is somehow independent from its users, a thing: 'the language'.

a. Traditional distinctions and contrasts

  • Syllable, word/morpheme, phrase, sentence, text/discourse
  • Grammar = lexicon + syntax
  • Syntax and semantics

b. Chomsky

Chomsky's structural linguistics, which is the present paradigm, hypothesizes an innate universal grammar. It is a formal theory of language, which hasn't much scope in studying the whole practice of language. It also isolates language from other representing practices, and does not offer a common framework.

6. Functional and cognitive linguistics

There are at present a couple of related kinds of approach to naturalizing linguistics:

a. Functional linguistics

Halliday's Introduction to functional grammar is a "more socially oriented semantically based model of grammatical structure."

Emphasis is on the way a grammatical unit such as a word or phrase can be having more than one kind of effect at a time: on multifunctionality of grammatical units in the linguistic moment.

This approach is compatible with and suggestive of a dynamical network vision of language function.

b. Cognitive linguistics

It's been based at UCSD and UC Berkeley in both cognitive science and linguistics departments, where linguistics has been integrated with other sorts of study (including philosophy, psychology, neuroscience, and computer science) as part of cognitive science.

Cognition here means perception, imagining, representing, thinking, the whole bundle of things we think of as 'the mind'.

The cognitive linguistics approach includes:

- Emphasis on ways language shows general structures of perception and action, shared cognitive structure.

- 'Concepts' understood as embodied in the sense of making use of sensory-motor capabilities, rather than added by some 'higher' faculty.

- Usage-based study - 'corpus linguistics' - of spontaneous spoken speech recorded, transcribed, and analyzed, rather than study of language as a system of rules.

- Claim that there are no natural units of language, but instead a self-organizing cumulative network effect.

For example, articulation of an initial consonant depends on the vowel that follows. Try saying ock and then ack, and feel the difference in the articulation of the ck.

- Not thinking of the sentence as prototypical. People don't speak in sentences so much as in intonational units - prosodical and semantical units with only one element of new information.

- Realization that spoken and written language are very different.

7. Topics investigated by cognitive linguistics

Topic 1: spatial language and deixis

a. Language used to direct space perception and imagining

Here's a fine example of spatial language of different kinds used together:

From here, black desolation down there at the river is before his eyes again.
 
They are tramping past him on the road in their usual weekend peregrinations. He hears them at his back and they hesitate to overtake him, it's as if he's leading them in procession, ridiculously, for a few moments, and then they surround him at a polite distance briefly while gaining on him, two men on the one side, and one of their women on the other. Gordimer 1975, 109

Nadine Gordimer's devices in this passage from The conservationist include deictic phrases (from here ... down there), prepositional phrases (on the one side ... on the other; at a polite distance; at his back; before his eyes), verbs with a spatial character (tramping, overtake, surround, leading), and nouns with spatial implications (peregrinations, procession).

What is perceived when we read this passage, and what imagined? As is common with language function, we are not very aware of perceiving what we have to have perceived in order to imagine as we do, namely the linguistic forms - the letters, the words, and the sentences.

What we are directed to imagine by means of these more-or-less unconsciously perceived forms is a scene, a road at some distance from, and on a rise above, a river, and four people socially and spatially related within it.

Viewpoint may be felt to shift.

We begin by seeming to see from the point of view of a man being overtaken on the road. We are seeing from his here downward to his there at the river. We seem to see a river at some distance or other, but we also seem to feel ourselves looking downward toward it. We feel a reach of space between our place on the road and that place down there. At the same time we hear tramping behind us, and then hear it overtaking us.

For the rest of the sentence, at he's leading them in procession ... and then they surround him ... while gaining on him, I find myself imagining the whole group from a point behind them.

This viewpoint shift is not necessarily intended; it may occur because the author shifted viewpoint as she wrote, or it may be idiosyncratic to my reading.

What is imagined normally exceeds instructions: I seem to see the river at the distance of a quarter mile, toward the left, at a very shallow downward angle. Other readers may see it at the bottom of a gorge on the right. My reading is influenced by earlier passages, but is only very loosely constrained by these paragraphs. We are directed to imagine a viewpoint; the way we imagine it is up to us, not coerced by the language.

The point is, however, that language is like other representational media in evoking spatial simulation that includes somatic, viewpoint, and act perspective.

b. Deixis

Examples of deixis: here, you, I, now. Language forms that obviously rely on mutual context for their function.

The term comes from the Greek deiktikos: able to show.

Why think about deixis. Because it demonstrates a concreteness about language use: that to understand language we have to either be together with our hearer/speaker, or we have to imagine ourselves so.

In traditional linguistics deictic elements are thought of as atypical, but in an embodied linguistics deixis can be imagined as indicating a core fact about language and representation generally - that it springs from mutual presence and joint attention.

In other words, the way deictic elements function demonstrates the embodied nature and purposes of language.

Example: we can point with our eyes OR say you. Both the gesture and the word both work the same way.

When we and our addressee are working at a common task we can be cryptic because we are seeing the same things: Not so near can mean Don't put the rock there; move it further from the other one.

Where people aren't together in a space we have to say more - for instance in giving directions on a phone.

Deictic forms in English include intransitive prepositions like upstairs, time expressions like tomorrow, and motion verbs like to bring and to arrive which must be understood as anchored to a deictic center.

Since all of these expressions are also understood when we are not speaking about a shared physical context, it is plain that deictic expressions will also work for mutually imagined circumstances. In my sense of it they are not unusual in this, since most aspects of a language require and organize mutual simulational aboutness.

In their simulational uses deictic expressions can in fact be seen as central instances of linguistic function, instances in which the social management of simulational aboutness is seen with particular vividness.

A comprehensive fictional orientation of the sort evoked by Gordimer's passage may be sustained through very long texts or it may be dropped after a sentence.

It may or may not be a character viewpoint:

..it's also possible to choose a reference point -- a place with which the narrator somehow associates himself and his reader in imagination -- which has no particular association with a central character. Thus, if I'm talking about an uninhabited island in a little-known lake in Minnesota, I can talk about a loon 'coming' there at night and about the waves 'bringing' things to its shores. Fillmore 1975, 67

Topic 2: gesture and ASL

Why think about gesture. Because findings about gesture show language integrated with action in the body, and suggest its origins in body movement.

There is strong evidence that language and gesture are one integrated system in the cortex, which comes from comparisons of American Sign Language (ASL) and spoken English, and from studies of gesture that accompanies speech in hearing people.

a. Speech and gesture a single system

David McNeill is a linguist-psychologist who studies gestures that occur with speech. He says "My own hypothesis is that speech and gesture are elements of a single integrated process of utterance formation " (McNeill 1992, 35).

What he says about being able to see gesture and speech as a single system fits well with the gesture-origin theories of language.

[Gesture is] a "missing link" between the abilities of our non-human ancestors of 20 million years ago and modern human language, with manual gestures rather than a system for vocal communication providing the initial seed .

The South African film about San people hunting, The great dance, is suggestive about the relations between whole-body imitation, gesture, and language. We see hunters running after a springbok communicating to each other silently with gestures, and later telling the story of the hunt by enacting it both with their hands and their whole bodies.

McNeill's hypothesis is that:

Language readiness evolved as a multi-modal manual/facial/vocal system with protosign (manual-based protolanguage) providing the scaffolding for protospeech (vocal-based protolanguage) to provide "neural critical mass" to allow language to emerge from protolanguage as a result of cultural innovations within the history of Homo sapiens.

The theory summarized here makes it understandable why it is as easy for a deaf child to learn a signed language as it is for a hearing child to learn a spoken language.

b. ASL and deixis

Since signed languages explicitly use space for grammatical functions as well as for what are considered pragmatic functions, studies of signing can also make the continuities between deictic and non-deictic uses of space particularly obvious. In a recent collection of studies of the uses of space in signed languages (Emmory and Reilly 1995), Scott Liddell shows how presence deixis and simulational deixis may coincide.

Linguistic action in American Sign Language is largely gestural but it also includes syntactic use of eye gaze, facial expression, head position and movement, and body position and movement (Liddell 1980). Along with the contour of a sign, its spatial extent and the number of repetitions, the location of a gesture has syntactic import. Location matters in two ways: it matters where you produce the sign, and it matters where you point it.

Pronouns in ASL consist of a root sign and a pointing gesture. Adjectives will be pointed toward the object or person described. There is also a class of verbs called indicating verbs, which consist of a verb root and an indicating gesture: the verb form may be pointed toward a referent, or it may move from one referent to another. Verbs which take an object may for instance be signed moving from the subject toward the object of the action: he-there FLIRTS with her-there. And certain verbs are always signed toward specific parts of the addressee's body: THINK toward the head, GIVE toward the chest.

Liddell talks about three kinds of signing space: real space, surrogate space and token space. I will modify his terminology slightly, since all three of his categories are using real space, that is, the space mutual to speaker and addressee. The important contrast is about kinds of use made of that space.

Liddell's surrogate space is a use of space structurally very similar to perceptual use of mutual location; the only differences are consequences of the fact that real, mutual space around the conversation is being used to support simulation rather than perception. Kids using actual living room furniture to play school would be using space in a surrogate way.

Signers use space in this way when they are talking about something that happened last week, or reporting speech, or sometimes when they are constructing conditionals. For signing purposes people and objects that are not present are imagined present, full size, and at realistic distances from the signer. Talking about Mary, who is not present, the signer establishes a locus to which future pronouns referring to Mary can be directed; this locus is treated as if it is Mary's height. If the signer wants to say Mary gives something, the GIVE sign will be directed toward a locus the height of the actual Mary's chest. To say Mary flirted with Paul, the signer will direct a FLIRT sign from the Mary locus to Paul, if he is present, or to a Paul locus if he is not.

Referential shift is a use of surrogate space to report speech, among other things. To make it clear that she herself is not the intended speaker, the signer can step into a different spot and sign from there, establishing a character viewpoint. Referential shift can also be indicated by shifts of head position, torso position, facial expression or gaze.

Surrogate space is plainly still a deictic use of present space to support mutually coordinated simulation. Liddell's innovation in ASL studies is his description of token space as similarly deictic. Token space is sign subspace - the space in which signs are performed - used as if it were compressed surrogate space. The signer will still establish a locus for imagined Mary, but will establish it by a small stroke of the pointing finger dropped under the sign for Mary's name. That locus will then go on functioning as an index for pronoun co-reference, adjectives and indicating verbs. Directed verbs such as GIVE will be pointed toward relative heights at that locus as if a token figure is being imagined (Liddell 1995).

This sort of reduced, token use of space can be like full size surrogate use of space in supporting conversations about spatial facts: Mary-there KICKED Paul-there. But it can also be used to talk about non-spatial facts and relations while retaining the structures of discourse about spatial facts.

Token space can for instance be used metaphorically to talk about time: the present-here, the future-here, and a trajectory from here to here. A signer can even use this spatial understanding of time in a meta-pragmatic way, to orient an audience within the time course of the narration itself. The beginning of the story, here, the end of the story here. Discourse cohesion can then be maintained by signing or gazing toward time-points indexing events of the story. The signing hand may be positioned at the point the story teller has reached, while the signer holds her gaze on that hand. Mcneill and Pedelty (1995) point out that hearing speakers use gesture and gaze in similar ways, looking to the side when they are making back-references, marking topic changes with hand beats and looking directly at the addressee when they want to indicate an aside.

The use of token space that is most suggestive in general cognitive terms is a sort of logical and/or attitudinal use. When comparing or contrasting two notions or two alternative conditions, the signer will as if establish two token spaces, one on the right, one on the left. A conversation about art and science, for instance, can be set up by placing motions establishing loci, art-here and science-here, where pronouns, adjectives and verbs may later be indexed to them. Both will have their localized nominals, with internal co-reference of the kinds described. The signer will thus be able to maintain whole alternative contexts, looking from one to the other, constructing one in contradistinction to the other. The signer can also enact a range of attitudes toward those juxtaposed wholes - ignoring one and concentrating on the other, drawing the two together or separating them further, setting one aside. The process of thinking about alternatives is thus being supported by actions - eye motion, body orientation, gesture - which are actual rather than imagined, but which are actions toward, or involving, imagined entities. It may be that ASL allows us to see people thinking in act-metaphoric ways also used - covertly - when they are alone or speaking orally.

McNeill and Pedelty, describing gesture use by hearing people, note that abstract metaphoric uses of space may actually be built around earlier more concrete uses within the same discourse. In one of their examples a narrator gestures in a certain direction when describing a location where a film character exits a scene. Immediately afterward a gesture in the same direction is used to talk about the beginning of the next scene. That is, the locus used to support imagining a character's departure is used metaphorically to indicate the starting point for a new scene. ('Starting point' -- we do it in English, too.) Both are token-scale uses of the actual space surrounding the conversation, but the first supports spatial simulation and the second is act-metaphoric. "The gestures looked morphologically identical, but their semantic value was different with each occurrence" (McNeill and Pedelty 1995).

Aspects of what are taken to be ordinary syntactic uses of space in ASL can sometimes also be seen as a kind of deixis. ASL indicates clausal relations by establishing clause nodes at particular loci in sign space and then placing signs under, or to the right or to the left of that node. This use of loci is similar to alternative conditional spaces or to loci marking positions in story structure.

Liddell's paper is controversial in ASL studies because, by finding a continuum between clearly pragmatic and clearly syntactic functions in a language, he unmakes what has been a founding dichotomy in linguistics. What seems likely is that we will discover that many properly syntactic functions are also based on simulational action or imagined motion perception, and that much grammatical structuring is performed by means of compressed, left hemisphere sketch-remnants of simulational spatial behavior.

Topic 3: Prepositions

a. fictive motion: evoked abstract sensing

Do not words excite feelings of Touch (tactual ideas ) more than distinct visual ideas ... the Question is of great Importance, as a general application - Coleridge Notebooks II, 2152

There is a subtle but distinct difference in semantic effect between The road lies between the mountains and the river and The road runs between the mountains and the river.

Leonard Talmy identifies the difference of feel between the two verbs as a difference in fictive motion (1996, 268), registered through what he calls an abstract sensing.

Here is another example: The road ran into the distance.

Reading this phrase, it is as if we are looking rapidly from somewhere near by, the source, along a trajectory to a goal, the distance. The muscular feel of this simulational sequence is not additional to but part of our comprehension of the sentence.

The linguistic effect is fictive, in addition to being simulational, in the sense that we are seeming to see motion in relation to something we are also and simultaneously imagining as motionless: "fictive motion is coupled generally with factive stationariness" (213).

Talmy compares the effect to the paradoxic visuality experienced with motion after-effects. When we have been walking in fog and stop suddenly, the landscape can seem to be rushing away at the same time as it can be seen to be standing still. Similar effects can occur as collateral imagining: seeing a coyote's tracks in snow, we may seem to see the coyote running; seeing brush strokes on the side of a bowl, we may seem to see the motion of a brush.

Other instances of sensorimotor fictivity evoked by verbs include: 1) frame-relative motion, The fence descends; 2) pattern paths, The trail of drips across the floor; 3) access paths, The vacuum cleaner is down behind the hamper; and 4) coverage paths, The ranch spread over the plateau.

Like viewpoint in the Gordimer passage, fictive motion effects are underspecified. Individuals may experience the same example differently, and the same individual may deal with the same example differently on different occasions. What is felt as moving, whether it is the object, the self, or just the direction of the gaze, varies in inscrutable ways, but "every speaker experiences a sense of fictive motion for some fictive motion constructions" (Talmy 1996, 215).

Talmy describes fictive motion as one of several kinds of structure-sensing normally present with other kinds of perception but inherently multimodal. It can be part of vision, audition, somatosense, and touch. In any of these modalities it is "a faintly palpable level of perception" (Talmy 1996, 248), not exactly vision and not exactly somatic sense, sometimes with a dimly felt sense of action for purposes of perception - eye motion, maybe.

Thought of as visuality, it has to be considered abstract. Talmy compares it to the oddly nonvisual visuality experienced in form completion illusions; when we experience a pac man as a circle with a bite taken out of it, we sort of see, or is it feel, the missing part of the circle as a fictive presence.

This material suggests a structural or spatial vision participating in sentient vision in an effective but barely visual form, as if ascribed to what is actually seen - a colorless and transparent sort of grey vision. It is felt as a sort of vision but it is felt as a kind of action too, or as somehow more closely tied to action and motion than to the sense of scene and objects.

b. visual subject-object differences instructed by prepositions

Prepositions are closed-class terms - there are only 80 to 100 in English.

A small subset of prepositions (they include upstairs and outward) is intransitive; most, like across, must be used with an appropriate noun in the object position.

In all of these instances we are being directed to imagine a foreground object spatially related to a background object.

Prepositional effect is characteristic of closed class linguistic effect in that it is procedural; when a preposition directs us to imagine two things spatially related in some specific way, it is also directing us to specific kinds of simulational participation - it may be directing us to seem to look from one to the other and so maintain two axes related by eye movements, perhaps, or to seem to see one of the objects with new visual system detail and the other with old motion-vision abstraction.

Example: Compare red wheelbarrow in the snow to snow in the red wheelbarrow.

If a noun is used as object of a preposition, as when it is used as object of a verb, the preposition directs us to imagine that object schematically, as a background object.

At the same time, it directs us to imagine the subject of the preposition more fully.

Choice of preposition may direct the way we see or seem to see the reference object in other ways as well. Fillmore (1975) gives these examples:

  • at the corner and in the corner organize us to see the corner from different directions,
  • while in the grass and on the grass make us see a different kind of grass.

We have seen that, while the new vision system responds in detailed ways to the thingness of things, the old vision system is tracking them spatially and in less sensory detail.

What intrigues us is that ... the location system in language has just about the right properties to interface with the "where" system described by neuroscience. Landau and Jackendoff 1993, 257

An additional point made by Landau and Jackendoff is that prepositions treat parts of objects as if they were objects in their own right:

The language used to express the relations of parts to objects is identical to that used for configurations of independent objects ... we speak both of a nose on one's face and a fly on one's face. 261

With both phrases given above, face is vaguely imagined, but nose and fly are both imagined with focal vision.

Linguistically we treat the part as a separate object with its own location, while the object of which it is a part is treated schematically like any reference object of a preposition.

Topic 4: metaphor and polysemy

> Why think about metaphor. Because it demonstrates an effect of language apart from the 'meaning' we think of it as having. The specific effect seems to be something to do with overlaps and or partial activation of the wide networks of cortical activation that are usual to language function.

Example: That beech tree is so muscular.

What happens when we hear or read that sort of sentence, which we don't for a moment take literally?

> Why think about polysemy. Because, like metaphor, it demonstrates that words don't really 'have' meanings, they have uses, which overlap.

Polysemy is the way a word can have many meanings, some of which can are quite remote from each other.

Example: the word grain

Noun:

1 wheat or any other cultivated cereal crop used as food.
the seeds of such cereals
2 a single fruit or seed of a cereal : a few grains of corn.
a small hard particle of a substance such as salt or sand : a grain of salt.
the smallest possible quantity or amount of a quality : there wasn't a grain of truth in what he said.
a discrete particle or crystal in a metal, igneous rock, etc., typically visible only when a surface is magnified.
a piece of solid propellant for use in a rocket engine.
3 the smallest unit of weight in the troy and avoirdupois systems, [ORIGIN: because originally the weight was equivalent to that of a grain of wheat.]
4 the longitudinal arrangement or pattern of fibers in wood, paper, etc. : he scored along the grain of the table with the knife.
roughness in texture of wood, stone, etc.; the arrangement and size of constituent particles : the lighter, finer grain of the wood is attractive.
the rough or textured outer surface of leather, or of a similar artificial material.
Mining - lamination or planes of cleavage in materials such as stone and coal.
Photography - a granular appearance of a photograph or negative, which is in proportion to the size of the emulsion particles composing it.
5 archaic a person's character or natural tendency.
6 historical kermes or cochineal, or dye made from either of these. [ORIGIN: the kermes was thought to consist of grains.]

Verb [ trans. ]

1 (usu. to be grained) give a rough surface or texture to : her fingers were grained with chalk dust.
[ intrans. ] form into grains : if the sugar does grain up, add more water.
2 [usu. as n. ] ( graining) to paint (esp. furniture or interior surfaces) in imitation of the grain of wood or marble : the art of graining and marbling.
3 to remove hair from (a hide) : [as adj. ] ( grained) the boots were of best grained leather.
4 to feed (a horse) on grain.

> Usage seems to change or expand because of partial overlaps in networks evoked.

Example: Jesse is very bright but he's only two. His farmer dad asks him, "What's the difference between a breaking plow and an ordinary plow?" Jesse says, "The breakin' plow has bigger ... knives." He doesn't know the word plowshare, so he uses a word that is evoked by the sharpness, the cutting.

-

Summary

1. Given a linguistic event or artifact,
2. linguistic effect
3. is on the structure
4. of a whole body,
5. and within the body the neural wide net,
6. within which, in turn, there is a linguistic subnet
7. and a conscious subnet,
8. which may overlap in different ways and to different degrees.
9. These structures are dynamically self-organizing at all scales.
10. Language that we understand evokes structure.
11. When we create language it runs off existing structure we have activated in the moment of utterance.

The locus of effect of language (or any representation) is the body of the user.

*

For a longer discussion of representation and language see my web book, Being about, especially chapters 6 and 9.

 


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